Showing posts with label Fundamentalizm. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Fundamentalizm. Show all posts

Sunday, October 9, 2016

WHY EVERY AMERICAN SHOULD READ THE RELUCTANT FUNDAMENTALIST

This year I find myself thinking of the opening lines of a novel published in 2007. “Excuse me, sir, but may I be of assistance? Ah, I see I have alarmed you. Do not be frightened by my beard: I am a lover of America.” So begins Mohsin Hamid’s Man Booker-shortlisted The Reluctant Fundamentalist, a novel which follows the transnational journey of Changez, a young man from Pakistan, as he leaves Lahore and becomes a successful businessman in New York City. Later, Changez, who has begun to feel welcome in New York due to the city’s ethnic diversity, witnesses 9/11 on television while on a business trip in Manila, and his life abruptly changes. Changez is not a practicing Muslim—Hamid goes as far as to suggest, in an article in The Guardian, that Changez may be an atheist—yet everyone perceives him as Muslim due to his ethnicity and place of birth, which results in Changez having to take a series of major, unexpected steps. All of this he tells to an unnamed American—the “you” of the opening, though it is also, of course, perhaps aimed at “assisting” American readers more broadly.
The Reluctant Fundamentalist, to me, is a novel we should read, or reread, in 2016 as much as in 2007. While hardly the only novel to address 9/11, terrorism, and religious tensions, it is certainly one of the most accessible books to do so. Here is a novel that resists a single, moralistic interpretation; instead, how one reads the ending largely depends on what one assumes about Pakistan and America. We can shape events, and, perhaps more importantly, events can reshape us, can recreate us, like impulsive gods, in their own image.
There were few Muslims in Dominica, the island I grew up in, but there was one well-known Muslim family, well-known largely because they had opened a famous store for electronics in our capital city simply called “The Muslim Store.” I went to the shop every so often as a child with my mother, and, aside from the name of the store and the fact that the male employees wore gray or black thobes and that once in a while I saw women near the store in hijabs or niqabs, I never saw the store-owners as anything particularly different from anyone else; the family there just seemed like so many other families in Dominica, a part of the eclectic mix that made up the island. The idea that I should fear or despise someone for following Islam was utterly foreign to me until 9/11, which I watched on television at home in Dominica. Muslims were never “the Other” until the American media and my own ignorance, briefly, convinced me that they should be.
Years later, I thought of this Dominican family again. Now, I, who had been raised Roman Catholic and briefly become a Wiccan, was an atheist, and had learnt on my own more about how Islam, like all religions, came in varieties: Ahmadiyya, Sunni, Shia, Islamism, and so on. I had learnt about the Islamic Golden Age, which not only produced important intellectual contributions in astronomy, mathematics, and more, but without which the European Renaissance may never have occurred. The memory of the simple shop surprised me. It was a reminder of something obvious, yet all too easy to forget: hate is something we learn, something colored, like romanticizing, by our memories. Hatred, as William Hazlitt reminds us in his perversely delightful essay from 1826, “On the Pleasure of Hating,” is complex; “hatred alone is immortal,” he writes, and it may well be impossible to live without some degree of hostility towards something in us. But in so many cases, hatred is also a failure, not of love, but of nuance, of complexity. It is easy to hate when we make the world small and simple; it is harder to hate large groups when we are able to understand the variety that lives in said groups.
Of course, love is too simple an answer. The opposite of hating, after all, is not loving; it is understanding.
The simple revolutionary idea—which I, like many others, find myself needing to relearn sometimes—is that even radical difference, sometimes, can be benign.
* * * *
I’ve always opened my undergraduate course, Intro to Global Literature, with Hamid’s novel, a book I myself first read after my best friend recommended it. Many of the American students confess to me they came into the class with a negative image of Muslims. Yet the novel showed them something new. Instead of “the West” talking about “the East,” which is most often the kind of narrative they know, The Reluctant Fundamentalist flips the script by having a Pakistani man narrate the entire tale, denying “the American” a direct voice. A few of my American students say that this feels uncomfortable; some even initially accuse Changez, whose name Hamid chose to echo Genghis Khan, of being “anti-American.” This, of course, is the point—to show how it feels to be in a one-sided narrative. Changez’s occasional political asides to “the American” intrigued and unnerved some students, like his idea that “terrorism…was defined [by the American government] to refer only to the organized and politically motivated killing of civilians by killers not wearing the uniforms of soldiers.” And what makes the book rise above simple moralism is its lack of certainty: Changez is an unreliable narrator, who openly admits he cannot remember the specifics of certain memories, and he is both likeable and questionable. He is what we sadly often don’t get in so many fraught discussions about religion, race, and violence: a believable human figure.
In many ways, The Reluctant Fundamentalist depicts the opposite of Orientalism, which refers to a set of beliefs, stereotypes about, and depictions of “the East,” broadly, from Westerners, a sort of language or template for describing a vast range of countries and people. The term was made famous by the Palestinian-American critic Edward Said’s 1978 book, Orientalism. Orientalism is the source of many stereotypes about “the East” in Western texts from the 18th century up to even the present; crucially, it is virtually always Westerners writing about the East within the system of Orientalism, with some Orientalists never having even set foot within the countries they claimed to be experts on. Orientalist rhetoric influenced how many Westerners imagined the Middle- and Far-East, creating a system whereby people can be reduced to what Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie calls “the single story.” It’s a bit like looking at the moon with poor eyesight and seeing a perfectly smooth orb, which was a dominant view of what the moon was in the Western world for centuries, whereas, as Galileo pointed out, the moon’s surface is actually hilly and pockmarked, a lunar carpet no less beautiful for its pattern looking different through a better lens. The bad lens of Orientalism is where the over-the-top language of texts like Sax Rohmer’s Fu Manchu series comes from. Hamid’s novel, by reversing who gets to talk and who is reduced to stereotypes, attempts to fix this problem by shifting its weight.
* * * *
And something needs to be fixed in America. Anti-Muslim bigotry has become, unfortunately, the kind of thing I now expect to see in the news each day—the kind of bigotry whereby a man in Virginia is applauded in 2015 for yelling out “every Muslim is a terrorist. Period,” the kind of bigotry where Ben Carson can say a Muslim is not fit to be President of the United States, the kind of bigotry where Donald Trump can in fascistic fashion call for a ban on all Muslims entering America, the kind of bigotry where Katrina Pierson, Trump’s spokeswoman, can go on CNN and support Trump’s ban by, incredibly, saying, “So what? They’re Muslim,” the kind where Milo Yiannopoulis, darling of the alt-right, claims that he feels safer as a gay man under a Trump presidency because he assumes that all Muslims are homophobic fanatics. Merely transcribing Trump’s speeches produces something resembling the crudest form of Gonzo journalism, even as I doubt Trump has read Hunter S. Thompson, and even as Thompson’s Gonzo, at least, is art. Such bigotry is a masterpiece of Othering from a man who, by his own admission, knows little about politics in the world—Trump recently did not know the difference between Hezbollah and Hamas—and the same appears to be true for many of his supporters. Of course, Trump supporters have many individual motivations, but it’s disquieting when polls suggest nearly 90 percent of such voters support Trump’s proposed Muslim ban.
To be sure, anti-Muslim sentiment far predates 9/11. The idea that Islam represents the “Other” to Christianity and to “the West” was a large part of the Crusades’ ideological foundation. It constitutes much of Orientalism. It appears frequently in Western literature: in the famous Chanson de Roland from the 11th or 12th century that depicts Charlemagne fighting “barbaric” Muslims; in Ludovico Ariosto’s 1582 mock-epicOrlando Furioso; in the original (later edited) version of the song that Disney’s Aladdinopens up with, “Arabian Nights,” which calls the fictional Arab world of Agrabah—and, implicitly, the Arab world broadly—a “barbaric” place where “they cut off your ear / If they don’t like your face.” A very similar image of barbarism appears in Shirley Jackson’s famous story, “The Lottery,” only it is applied to a New England town rather than to “the East”—yet to too many Western readers, Jackson’s story seems shocking, while vast generalizations about Muslims slip under the radar.
But isn’t contempt easier, when it’s already the story we so often have in the back of our minds?
Even the title “Muslim” is not as simple as “follower of Islam.” Even fundamentalism, as a concept, has a history, has shades of meaning. We can accept this without supporting the actions of fanatics—actions that many Muslims would not support, either. Many religions, like most things in life, contain multitudes; there is even a group of Christians, the theothanatologists, which briefly became famous in 1966 when Time ran a feature on them, who literally believe that God has died, yet still use the label “Christian.”
Contemporary anti-Muslim bigotry is not about criticizing violence or intolerance, things I support speaking out against. And it is not about freedom of speech, either, since I believe in protecting that right, even if it means that speech can be used against me. I believe in teaching people why it is overly simplistic or simply wrong to say certain things rather than simply banning people from saying said things, since the latter usually causes more problems than it solves. Othering, at its most extreme, is a step towards accepting a kind of loose solipsism, a step towards making you believe that everyone else is somehow not really as human as you. That is a path to enabling, if not at worst endorsing, fascism. And make no mistake—Trump’s comments both enable and endorse fascism. “Political correctness” cannot be a cover for ignorant prejudice.
Fear is the mind-killer, as the Bene Gesserit recite in the Dune series. So, too, is hatred.
* * * *
“For me,” Hamid wrote in The Guardian in 2011, “writing a novel is like solving a puzzle. But I don’t intend my novels as puzzles. I intend them as introductions to dance.”
Perhaps life is like Hamid’s novels: puzzling, but with a hand out for a dance. And, should we take its hand without assuming the dance we will be led into, everything may seem lovelier: music, steps, synergy. Of course, this is a romanticization. Some of us do not really get to choose who we dance with, or if we can dance at all. But perhaps the key to the puzzle is realizing that many of us who can dance might do it better, if we only loosened up and let go, for a bit. For me, literature is about learning the contours of the self, about putting yourself in someone else’s shoes, be they ballet flats, snowboard boots, espadrilles, shoes that bind your feet, or no shoes at all. Literature is about learning to accept all human experience as human, whether or not it ties with our codes of morality or beliefs about the universe. “Human” doesn’t mean good, of course—but it is frightening how easily some of us can forget that “human” means just that—“human,” and not “monster.”
Novels may not solve problems, per se, but I think we need Hamid’s novel now, all the same, and others like it. And, perhaps, with it, we may find ourselves in a better, more well-lit place, a place many of us know of but which we all often struggle to find the door to: understanding.
Gabrielle Bellot
source:lithub.com

Thursday, October 29, 2015

History of Pakistan



My country may not be very old but unfortunately it already has a history of military coups, and when my father was eight a general called Zia ul-Haq seized power. There are still many pictures of him around. He was a scary man with dark panda shadows around his eyes, large teeth that seemed to stand to attention and hair pomaded flat on his head. He arrested our elected prime minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and had him tried for treason then hanged from a scaffold in Rawalpindi jail. Even today people talk of Mr Bhutto as a man of great charisma. They say he was the first Pakistani leader to stand up for the common people, though he himself was a feudal lord with vast estates of mango fields. His execution shocked everybody and made Pakistan look bad all around the world. The Americans cut off aid.

To try to get people at home to support him, General Zia launched a campaign of Islamisation to make us a proper Muslim country with the army as the defenders of our country’s ideological as well as geographical frontiers. He told our people it was their duty to obey his government because it was pursuing Islamic principles. Zia even wanted to dictate how we should pray, and set up salat or prayer committees in every district, even in our remote village, and appointed 100,000 prayer inspectors. Before then mullahs had almost been figures of fun – my father said at wedding parties they would just hang around in a corner and leave early – but under Zia they became influential and were called to Islamabad for guidance on sermons. Even my grandfa” ther went. Under Zia’s regime life for women in Pakistan became much more restricted. Jinnah said, ‘No struggle can ever succeed without women participating side by side with men. There are two powers in the world; one is the sword and the other is the pen. There is a third power stronger than both, that of women.’ But General Zia brought in Islamic laws which reduced a woman’s evidence in court to count for only half that of a man’s. Soon our prisons were full of cases like that of a thirteen-year-old girl who was raped and become pregnant and was then sent to prison for adultery because she couldn’t produce four male witnesses to prove it was a crime. A woman couldn’t even open a bank account without a man’s permission. As a nation we have always been good at hockey, but Zia made our female hockey players wear baggy trousers instead of shorts, and stopped women playing some sports altogether.

Many of our madrasas or religious schools were opened at that time, and in all schools religious studies, what we call deeniyat, was replaced by Islamiyat, or Islamic studies, which children in Pakistan still have to do today. Our history textbooks were rewritten to describe Pakistan as a ‘fortress of Islam’, which made it seem as if we had existed far longer than since 1947, and denounced Hindus and Jews. Anyone reading them might think we won the three wars we have fought and lost against our great enemy India.

Everything changed when my father was ten. Just after Christmas 1979 the Russians invaded our neighbour Afghanistan. Millions of Afghans fled across the border and General Zia gave them refuge. Vast camps of white tents sprang up mostly around Peshawar, some of which are still there today. Our biggest intelligence service belongs to the military and is called the ISI. It started a massive programme to train Afghan refugees recruited from the camps as resistance fighters or mujahideen. Though Afghans are renowned fighters, Colonel Imam, the officer heading the programme, complained that trying to organise them was ‘like weighing frogs’.

The Russian invasion transformed Zia from an international pariah to the great defender of freedom in the Cold War. The Americans became friends with us once again, as in those days Russia was their main enemy. Next door to us the Shah of Iran had been overthrown in a revolution a few months earlier so the CIA had lost their main base in the region. Pakistan took its place. Billions of dollars flowed into our exchequer from the United States and other Western countries, as well as weapons to help the ISI train the Afghans to fight the communist Red Army. General Zia was invited to meet President Ronald Reagan at the White House and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher at 10 Downing Street. They lavished praise on him.

Prime Minister Zulfikar Bhutto had appointed Zia as his army chief because he thought he was not very intelligent and would not be a threat. He called him his ‘monkey’. But Zia turned out to be a very wily man. He made Afghanistan a rallying point not only for the West, which wanted to stop the spread of communism from the Soviet Union, but also for Muslims from Sudan to Tajikistan, who saw it as a fellow Islamic country under attack from infidels. Money poured in from all over the Arab world, particularly Saudi Arabia, which matched whatever the US sent, and volunteer fighters too, including a Saudi millionaire called Osama bin Laden.

We Pashtuns are split between Pakistan and Afghanistan and don’t really recognise the border that the British drew more than 100 years ago. So our blood boiled over the Soviet invasion for both religious and nationalist reasons. The clerics of the mosques would often talk about the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in their sermons, condemning the Russians as infidels and urging people to join the jihad, saying it was their duty as good Muslims. It was as if under Zia jihad had become the sixth pillar of our religion on top of the five we grow up to learn – the belief in one God, namaz or prayers five times a day, giving zakat or alms, roza – fasting from dawn till sunset during the month of Ramadan – and haj, the pilgrimage to Mecca, which every able-bodied Muslim should do once in their lifetime. My father says that in our part of the world this idea of jihad was very much encouraged by the CIA. Children in the refugee camps were even given school textbooks produced by an American university which taught basic arithmetic through fighting. They had examples like, ‘If out of 10 Russian infidels, 5 are killed by one Muslim, 5 would be left’ or ‘15 bullets – 10 bullets = 5 bullets’.

Some boys from my father’s district went off to fight in Afghanistan. My father remembers that one day a maulana called Sufi Mohammad came to the village and asked young men to join him to fight the Russians in the name of Islam. Many did, and they set off, armed with old rifles or just axes and bazookas. Little did we know that years later the same maulana’s organisation would become the Swat Taliban. At that time my father was only twelve years old and too young to fight. But the Russians ended up stuck in Afghanistan for ten years, through most of the 1980s, and when he became a teenager my father decided he too wanted to be a jihadi. Though later he became less regular in his prayers, in those days he used to leave home at dawn every morning to walk to a mosque in another village, where he studied the Quran with a senior talib. At that time talib simply meant ‘religious student’. Together they studied all the thirty chapters of the Quran, not just recitation but also interpretation, something few boys do.

The talib talked of jihad in such glorious terms that my father was captivated. He would endlessly point out to my father that life on earth was short and that there were few opportunities for young men in the village. Our family owned little land, and my father did not want to end up going south to work in the coal mines like many of his classmates. That was tough and dangerous work, and the coffins of those killed in accidents would come back several times a year. The best that most village boys could hope for was to go to Saudi Arabia or Dubai and work in construction. So heaven with its seventy-two virgins sounded attractive. Every night my father would pray to God, ‘O Allah, please make war between Muslims and infidels so I can die in your service and be a martyr.’

For a while his Muslim identity seemed more important than anything else in his life. He began to sign himself ‘Ziauddin Panchpiri’ (the Panchpiri are a religious sect) and sprouted the first signs of a beard. It was, he says, a kind of brainwashing. He believes he might even have thought of becoming a suicide bomber had there been such a thing in those days. But from an early age he had been a questioning kind of boy who rarely took anything at face value, even though our education at government schools meant learning by rote and pupils were not supposed to question teachers.

It was around the time he was praying to go to heaven as a martyr that he met my mother’s brother, Faiz Mohammad, and started mixing with her family and going to her father’s hujra. They were very involved in local politics, belonged to secular nationalist parties and were against involvement in the war. A famous poem was written at that time by Rahmat Shah Sayel, the same Peshawar poet who wrote the poem about my namesake. He described what was happening in Afghanistan as a ‘war between two elephants’ – the US and the Soviet Union – not our war, and said that we Pashtuns were ‘like the grass crushed by the hooves of two fierce beasts’. My father often used to recite the poem to me when I was a child but I didn’t know then what it meant.

My father was very impressed by Faiz Mohammad and thought he talked a lot of sense, particularly about wanting to end the feudal and capitalist systems in our country, where the same big families had controlled things for years while the poor got poorer. He found himself torn between the two extremes, secularism and socialism on one side and militant Islam on the other. I guess he ended up somewhere in the middle.

Tuesday, September 3, 2013

Fundamentalism


The Western media often give the impression that the embattled
and occasionally violent form of religiosity known as
"fundamentalism" is a purely Islamic phenomenon. This is
not the case. Fundamentalism is a global fact and has surfaced
in every major faith in response to the problems of our
modernity. There is fundamentalist Judaism, fundamentalist
Christianity, fundamentalist Hinduism, fundamentalist Buddhism,
fundamentalist Sikhism and even fundamentalist
Confucianism. This type of faith surfaced first in the Christian
world in the United States at the beginning of the twentieth
century. This was not accidental. Fundamentalism is not
a monolithic movement; each form of fundamentalism, even
within the same tradition, develops independently and has its
own symbols and enthusiasms, but its different manifestations
all bear a family resemblance. It has been noted that a fundamentalist 
movement does not arise immediately, as a kneejerk
response to the advent of Western modernity, but only
takes shape when the modernization process is quite far advanced.
At first religious people try to reform their traditions
and effect a marriage between them and modern culture, as
we have seen the Muslim reformers do. But when these moderate
measures are found to be of no avail, some people resort
to more extreme methods, and a fundamentalist movement is
born. With hindsight, we can see that it was only to be expected
that fundamentalism should first make itself known in
the United States, the showcase of modernity, and only appear
in other parts of the world at a later date. Of the three
monotheistic religions, Islam was in fact the last to develop a
fundamentalist strain, when modern culture began to take
root in the Muslim world in the late 1960s and 1970s. By this
date, fundamentalism was quite well established among
Christians and Jews, who had had a longer exposure to the
modern experience.